df6c59f1-7c11-446c-850b-40957d894fdb20260507150003Depositor Namedepositor_email@address.comRUA Metadata ExporterPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economicshttps://ror.org/0090zs177AliceParkDemocratic AuditRosTaylorLondon School of Economicshttps://ror.org/0090zs177The 2018 Democratic AuditRead online or download for free Scroll down to open individual chapters The UK’s Changing Democracy presents a uniquely democratic perspective on all aspects of UK politics, at the centre in Westminster and Whitehall, and in all the devolved nations. The 2016 referendum vote to leave the EU marked a turning point in the UK’s political system. In the previous two decades, the country had undergone a series of democratic reforms, during which it seemed to evolve into a more typical European liberal democracy. The establishment of a Supreme Court, adoption of the Human Rights Act, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish devolution, proportional electoral systems, executive mayors and the growth in multi-party competition all marked profound changes to the British political tradition. Brexit may now bring some of these developments to a juddering halt. The UK’s previous ‘exceptionalism’ from European patterns looks certain to continue indefinitely. ‘Taking back control’ of regulations, trade, immigration and much more is the biggest change in UK governance for half a century. It has already produced enduring crises for the party system, Parliament and the core executive, with uniquely contested governance over critical issues, and a rapidly changing political landscape. Other recent trends are no less fast-moving, such as the revival of two-party dominance in England, the re-creation of some mass membership parties and the disruptive challenges of social media. In this context, an in-depth assessment of the quality of the UK’s democracy is essential. Each of the 2018 Democratic Audit’s 37 short chapters starts with clear criteria for what democracy requires in that part of the nation’s political life and outlines key recent developments before a SWOT analysis (of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) crystallises the current situation. A small number of core issues are then explored in more depth. Set against the global rise of debased semi-democracies, the book’s approach returns our focus firmly to the big issues around the quality and sustainability of the UK’s liberal democracy.The UK’s Changing Democracy presents a uniquely democratic perspective on all aspects of UK politics, at the centre in Westminster and Whitehall, and in all the devolved nations. The 2016 referendum vote to leave the EU marked a turning point in the UK’s political system. In the previous two decades, the country had undergone a series of democratic reforms, during which it seemed to evolve into a more typical European liberal democracy. The establishment of a Supreme Court, adoption of the Human Rights Act, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish devolution, proportional electoral systems, executive mayors and the growth in multi-party competition all marked profound changes to the British political tradition. Brexit may now bring some of these developments to a juddering halt. The UK’s previous ‘exceptionalism’ from European patterns looks certain to continue indefinitely. ‘Taking back control’ of regulations, trade, immigration and much more is the biggest change in UK governance for half a century. It has already produced enduring crises for the party system, Parliament and the core executive, with uniquely contested governance over critical issues, and a rapidly changing political landscape. Other recent trends are no less fast-moving, such as the revival of two-party dominance in England, the re-creation of some mass membership parties and the disruptive challenges of social media. In this context, an in-depth assessment of the quality of the UK’s democracy is essential. Each of the 2018 Democratic Audit’s 37 short chapters starts with clear criteria for what democracy requires in that part of the nation’s political life and outlines key recent developments before a SWOT analysis (of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) crystallises the current situation. A small number of core issues are then explored in more depth. Set against the global rise of debased semi-democracies, the book’s approach returns our focus firmly to the big issues around the quality and sustainability of the UK’s liberal democracy.11012018978-1-909890-44-2978-1-909890-46-6978-1-909890-48-0978-1-909890-47-3LSE PressLondon, UKhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/10.31389/book1https://uplopen.com/books/e/10.31389/book1https://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/15fc84b8-c2de-40c1-b4e2-920378b8193a.pdfhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/15fc84b8-c2de-40c1-b4e2-920378b8193a.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrick Dunleavy establishes the wider context for liberal democracy globally, where prospects have generally been deteriorating in recent times. The factors that are currently going wrong for democratic advance across the world mostly have their counterparts in modernisation changes within Britain itself. This introduction then sets out how the Audit implements a detailed and disaggregated (section-by-section) analysis of the current performance of UK institutions. The final section considers the ‘British political tradition’, or the so-called ‘Westminster system’, which continues to define the almost unique political and institutional development of the UK.1101201810.31389/book1.ahttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ahttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/05a4312a-e89a-4508-8c56-a25e5c507854.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrick Dunleavy examines a topic of foundational importance for any liberal democracy– how well does the electoral system (in this case the Westminster plurality rule, aka ‘first-past-the-post’) convert votes into seats? A sudden growth in two-party support in 2017 allowed the UK’s ancient voting system to work far more proportionately. But is this outcome a one-off blip, or the start of a new long-term trend?1101201810.31389/book1.bhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.bhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/daed9c41-e25a-4724-813b-479fc7cc342f.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrick Dunleavy and the Democratic Audit team examine how well citizens are represented by the two main reformed electoral systems used in the UK – the ‘additional members system’ (AMS) and the ‘supplementary vote’ (SV). How successful have they been in showing the way for more modern electoral systems to work well under British political conditions?1101201810.31389/book1.chttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.chttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/0489833c-15de-4168-98e0-38fe3917beb8.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrick Dunleavy examines the proportional (PR) electoral system now used for smaller UK elections: the Northern Ireland Assembly, and Scottish and Northern Irish local councils. How has STV fared in converting votes into seats and fostering political legitimacy, under UK political conditions? An Annex also discusses the list PR system used to elect European Parliament MEPs from 1999 to 2014, but now discontinued as a result of Brexit.1101201810.31389/book1.dhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.dhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/45e10496-0f9f-49db-b6fc-c1815cc3185b.pdfToby SJamesUniversity of East Angliahttps://ror.org/026k5mg93Across the world, there are many countries where elections take place but are rigged by governments or unfairly conducted. And even in core liberal democracies (like the United States) political parties have now become deeply involved in gerrymandering constituencies and partisan efforts at ‘voter suppression’. Toby S James looks at how well elections are run in the UK, and whether the systems for registering voters and encouraging turnout are operating effectively and fairly.1101201810.31389/book1.ehttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ehttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/ac5d3c46-68ca-4582-b7a9-4a3208af7a49.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceSeanKippinUniversity of the West of Scotlandhttps://ror.org/04w3d2v20Patrick Dunleavy and Sean Kippin examine how democratic the UK’s party system and political parties are. Parties often attract criticism from those outside their ranks, but they have multiple, complex roles to play in any liberal democratic society. The UK’s system has many strengths, but also key weaknesses, where meaningful reform could realistically take place.1101201810.31389/book1.fhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.fhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/2848173f-938d-4471-8fdd-6dbc6767314b.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceBetween elections, the interest group process (along with media and social media coverage) is a key way in which citizens can seek to communicate with their MPs and other representatives, and to influence government policy-makers. Patrick Dunleavy considers how far different social groups can gain access and influence decision-makers. How democratically does this key form of input politics operate? And how effectively are all UK citizens’ interests considered?1101201810.31389/book1.ghttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ghttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/aa47068a-42f9-4c9f-9212-07fd2db4063e.pdfRosTaylorLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceThe growth of ‘semi-democracies’ across the world, where elections are held but are rigged by state power-holders, has brought into ever-sharper focus how much a country’s media system conditions the quality of its democracy. Free elections without some form of media diversity and balance clearly cannot hope to deliver effective liberal democracy. Ros Taylor and the Democratic Audit team look at how well the UK’s media system operates to support or damage democratic politics, and to ensure a full and effective representation of citizens’ political views and interests.1101201810.31389/book1.hhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.hhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/5606e375-5930-4736-95ca-6d23e8c8ed22.pdfRosTaylorLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceSocial media technologies (such as Facebook, Twitter, Google, YouTube, Snapchat and Instagram) have brought about radical changes in how the media systems of liberal democracies operate. The platform providers have become powerful actors in the operation of the media system, and in how it connects to political processes. At the same time, these companies claim political neutrality, because most of their content is created by their millions of users – perhaps creating far greater citizen vigilance over government and politicians. Ros Taylor and the Democratic Audit team examine how far the UK’s social media system operates to support or damage democratic politics. Does it help to ensure a full and effective representation of citizens’ political views and interests?1101201810.31389/book1.ihttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ihttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/66171fb8-3f34-4f80-945c-98006cc8235f.pdfArtemisPhotiadouLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceHow well does the House of Commons work via floor debates, questions to ministers and as a general means of scrutinising and passing legislation, and monitoring policy implementation? Has the return of a hung parliament since 2017 changed how the House of Commons functions as a legislature? Artemis Photiadou and Patrick Dunleavy consider if the traditional model of Parliament as primarily supporting a showcase political clash of government and opposition has changed to make the Commons a more effective focus of national debate or to create stronger control of the executive.1101201810.31389/book1.jhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.jhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/5834ca07-9177-44b6-a94c-457e034bb96b.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceIn addition to their floor debates, a crucial role of legislatures is to scrutinise government law-making and policy implementation. The House of Commons looks at legislation via bill committees, and its select committees cover each of the Whitehall departments to scrutinise implementation. Patrick Dunleavy and the Democratic Audit team consider how well current processes maintain parliamentary knowledge and scrutiny of the central state in the UK and England.1101201810.31389/book1.khttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.khttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/6f5b6e75-9bf4-4580-805f-d9518b992541.pdfSeanKippinUniversity of the West of Scotlandhttps://ror.org/04w3d2v20Sean Kippin and the Democratic Audit team assess the ways in which the UK’s four main security services are scrutinised, to ensure that they are operating legally and in the public interest. For matters that must be kept secret, ‘compromise’ forms of scrutiny have now been developed in Parliament. But how effectively or independently do they work?1101201810.31389/book1.lhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.lhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/3637e2c9-b64d-4e6f-beb3-38ca3ada05c2.pdfSeanKippinUniversity of the West of Scotlandhttps://ror.org/04w3d2v20SonaliCampionDemocratic AuditSonali Campion, Sean Kippin and the Democratic Audit team examine how the UK’s deeply controversial current second chamber, the House of Lords, matches up to the criteria for liberal democracies with bicameral legislatures. Now an almost-all appointed Chamber, the Lords has achieved recent prominence on Brexit and tax credits by exerting some bipartisan influence moderating Commons proposals. However, its members remain creatures of patronage, and wholly unaccountable to the UK’s citizens. All parties except the Tories now support its replacement by an elected Senate. Increasingly only the Tories and Liberal Democrats are still appointing any peers – although there are also a fifth of peers who are ‘crossbenchers’, not taking a party whip.1101201810.31389/book1.mhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.mhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/b48dee11-0f13-4661-b052-ad7df24e544b.pdfMichaelGordonUniversity of Liverpoolhttps://ror.org/04xs57h96The foundations of any liberal democracy lie with its constitutional arrangements, the key means by which the powers of the state are specified, distributed across different institutions and regulated. Constitutions set out how the state is structured, what its major institutions are, and what basic principles govern their relations with each other and with citizens. In the UK these provisions are famously diverse and uncodified, with no single written ‘constitution’ document. Michael Gordon looks at how to assess the democratic basis of constitutional law, and how well recent experience suggests that the UK has been performing.1101201810.31389/book1.nhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.nhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/bb3393b5-4c0b-4a4c-925b-b012b81a5aac.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional SciencePatrick Dunleavy looks at how well the dominant centre of power in the British state operates – spanning the Prime Minister, Cabinet, Cabinet committees, ministers and critical central departments. How accountable and responsive to Parliament and the public is this ‘core executive’? And how effective are these key centres of decision-making and the rest of Whitehall government, in making policy? Do they consistently serve UK citizens’ interests?1101201810.31389/book1.ohttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ohttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/2e820f5a-6f88-4a2f-b4cd-5d95d675e6fa.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceCitizens and civil society have most contact with the administrative apparatus of the UK state, whose operations can powerfully condition life chances and experiences. Patrick Dunleavy considers the responsiveness of traditionally dominant civil service headquartered in Whitehall, and the wider administration of key public services, notably the NHS, policing and other administrations in England. Are public managers at all levels of the UK and England accountable enough to citizens, public opinion and elected representatives and legislatures? And how representative of, and in touch with, modern Britain are public bureaucracies?1101201810.31389/book1.phttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.phttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/35dbc6f1-6a3a-46ba-ad6d-5eb07ae8aa29.pdfBenWorthyBirkbeck Collegehttps://ror.org/02mb95055For citizens to get involved in governing themselves and participating in politics, they must be able to find out easily what government agencies and other public bodies are doing. Citizens, NGOs and firms also need to be sure that laws and regulations are being applied impartially and without corruption. Ben Worthy and the Democratic Audit team consider how well the UK government performs on transparency and openness, and how effectively anti-corruption policies operate in government and business.1101201810.31389/book1.qhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.qhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/21e80891-0c92-4db2-b781-b65033ecca6b.pdfJoelleGroganMiddlesex Universityhttps://ror.org/01rv4p989Many political and constitutional steps are needed in order for the UK to leave the European Union, after 45 years as a full member. Cumulatively they form one of the biggest constitutional changes in British history, and one dogged by intense controversy and disputes. Joelle Grogan examines how far the Brexit process can meet democratic criteria for such a momentous transition, or may fall short of these standards.1101201810.31389/book1.rhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.rhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/d9e91d4f-daef-4c45-8b61-1837e22e7c6b.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceDianaStirbuLondon Metropolitan Universityhttps://ror.org/00ae33288Devolution encompasses a range of quite different solutions in three countries (Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland), plus markedly smaller delegations of powers to London and some English cities and regions. There remain important issues around the stability and effectiveness of these arrangements, which were designed to meet specific demands for national or regional control and to bring government closer to citizens. Diana Stirbu and Patrick Dunleavy explore how far relations between Westminster and the key devolved institutions have been handled democratically and effectively.1101201810.31389/book1.shttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.shttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/21eff583-3321-4f11-82e5-df3df9d49e47.pdfMalcolmHarveyUniversity of Aberdeenhttps://ror.org/016476m91Devolved government in Scotland started as a radical innovation in bringing government closer to citizens, and its development has generated great expectations including strong pressures for and against the Scottish Parliament and government becoming the core of a newly independent state. Malcolm Harvey and the Democratic Audit team explore how democratically and effectively these central institutions have performed.1101201810.31389/book1.thttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.thttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/e7e1ed76-a0f8-4680-8e45-d50c06aaa4b0.pdfJamesMitchellEdinburgh Universityhttps://ror.org/01nrxwf90Local authorities play key roles in the devolved government of Scotland, as the only other source of elected legitimacy and as checks and balances on the domestic concentration of power in Scotland’s central institutions. James Mitchell and the Democratic Audit team explore how democratically local councils have operated.1101201810.31389/book1.uhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.uhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/696128e5-cfd7-45e8-8814-62676a5d396c.pdfJacLarnerCardiff Universityhttps://ror.org/03kk7td41Devolved government in Wales started as a radical innovation in bringing government closer to citizen. Its generally successful development has seen the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh government acquiring more powers – and perhaps being reformed in some respects. Jac Larner and the Democratic Audit team explore how democratically and effectively these central institutions have performed.1101201810.31389/book1.vhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.vhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/274dc96f-eb71-4a91-82a7-6fdeefda9412.pdfJamesDowneCardiff Universityhttps://ror.org/03kk7td41Within Wales, local councils provide the main focus for democratic politics below the devolved government in Cardiff, and organise the provision of most local services. James Downe looks at how well they fulfil their roles.1101201810.31389/book1.whttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.whttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/db469c18-280e-4698-bc24-c673af6d80bd.pdfAlanWhysallUniversity College Londonhttps://ror.org/001mm6w73Devolved government in Northern Ireland centres around unique institutions, a powersharing Executive with ministers chosen on a proportional basis, answering to an Assembly elected using PR. It was designed to overcome the inter-communal strife that has characterised Northern Ireland public life: the challenges it has faced have been particularly acute, and its record has, inevitably, been mixed. At the time of writing it is in abeyance for want of political agreement, which may not be found – at least in the short term. At present, there is no political control at all over the Northern Ireland administration. Alan Whysall and the Democratic Audit team explore how democratically and effectively the institutions of government have performed in Northern Ireland.1101201810.31389/book1.xhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.xhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/ba08d5be-7fb6-4cf4-9e56-ac723423e787.pdfJamesPowQueen’s University Belfasthttps://ror.org/00hswnk62Local authorities play key roles in the devolved government of Northern Ireland, as expressions of communities that were in the past highly polarised on religious and political lines. They are also the only other source of elected legitimacy to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive (which have not been functioning for over a year and a half at the time of writing). Local councils can act as checks and balances on the domestic concentration of power. James Pow explores how democratically local councils have operated in difficult conditions.1101201810.31389/book1.yhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.yhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/776e3202-1111-477b-950f-204719cbeac2.pdfAndrewBlickKing’s College Londonhttps://ror.org/0220mzb33PatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceDevolved government in London – focusing on the executive mayor and London Assembly – started as a radical innovation in 2000. Its generally successful development has sparked a slow, ‘organic’ spread of executive mayors to other English cities and conurbations. Andrew Blick and Patrick Dunleavy explore how democratically and effectively the two London institutions have performed.1101201810.31389/book1.zhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.zhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/96e3c814-76ed-4312-a884-9eb8d0585a2e.pdfTonyTraversLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceWithin London the 32 London boroughs undertake most local services provision and planning, and play a major role in shaping the capital’s evolution. Tony Travers looks at how well they fulfil their roles.1101201810.31389/book1.aahttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.aahttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/bdc3f0df-f688-4c20-91d6-613f629d92e1.pdfColinCopusDe Montfort Universityhttps://ror.org/0312pnr83Outside the capital, England is one of the largest areas in the liberal democratic world that still lacks any form of regional governance and its own parliament and government, unlike the rest of the UK. Here, local authorities are the only other tier of elected government. Councils and mayors play a key role in the democratic life of cities, towns and regions. Colin Copus and the Democratic Audit team explore how democratically they have operated.1101201810.31389/book1.abhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.abhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/ea5bcb43-667e-43f9-a26f-81092a358ca3.pdfColmO’CinneideUniversity College Londonhttps://ror.org/001mm6w73A foundational principle of liberal democracy is that all citizens are equal, and so the protection of fundamental human rights is of critical importance for democratic effectiveness. In many countries a statement of citizens’ rights forms part of the constitution, and is especially enshrined in law and enforced by the courts. This has not happened in the UK, which has no codified constitution. Instead Colm O’Cinneide evaluates the more diffuse and eclectic ways in which the UK’s political system protects fundamental human rights through the Human Rights Act and other legislation, and the courts and Parliament.1101201810.31389/book1.achttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.achttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/f093003c-a799-4951-b69e-66830fb98fbf.pdfSonaliCampionDemocratic AuditSonali Campion and the Democratic Audit team examine the extent to which gender equality provisions in British public life accord with democratic requirements. Are previous historical inequalities and discrimination against women being rectified, and is the pace of recent change fast enough?1101201810.31389/book1.adhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.adhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/12d587a3-29bd-4ce5-9bf5-a7db31a045a2.pdfSonaliCampionDemocratic AuditRosTaylorLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceSonali Campion and Ros Taylor examine the extent to which the media and political representation of ethnic minorities in the UK, and their consequent treatment in public policy terms, tend to foster democratic public life. Where previous historical inequalities and discrimination against ethnic minorities are being rectified, is the pace of recent change fast enough? Are there areas where UK society is moving backwards in terms of tolerance and equality for all?1101201810.31389/book1.aehttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.aehttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/548e8c0a-7d5c-48ee-a7f2-994d103d77d7.pdfEwanMcGaugheyKing’s College Londonhttps://ror.org/0220mzb33During the 20th century, developed societies increasingly accepted that democracy could not stop at politics, and had to extend to aspects of the economy as well. Democracy in the economy began – and continues – with workers’ rights. Ewan McGaughey and the Democratic Audit team explore how far they have been handled democratically and effectively in the UK.1101201810.31389/book1.afhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.afhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/78c068e9-a638-4447-9c0d-af32aa25a85e.pdfJamesPattisonUniversity of Nottinghamhttps://ror.org/01ee9ar58TraceyWarrenUniversity of Nottinghamhttps://ror.org/01ee9ar58Class is back – class inequalities now feature centrally in multiple media, are core to campaigns and protest movements, and are a part of everyday conversation. Mitigating the adverse effects of class again plays a key role in policy formation and formal politics. James Pattison and Tracey Warren consider how far the UK’s approach meets or falls below the types and levels of action that any liberal democracy requires.1101201810.31389/book1.aghttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.aghttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/cde1c667-d23c-4532-81a8-1f5521db1037.pdfPatrickDunleavyLondon School of Economics and Professional ScienceIn the concluding part of the book, Patrick Dunleavy first gives an overall assessment of the UK’s changing liberal democracy, looking across all the areas covered in the preceding chapters. The second section involves standing back and drawing some wider-out implications – around the loss of a previously influential ‘Europeanisation’ narrative, the roles of micro-institutions, and the sheer difficulty of achieving a sustainable democratic state.1101201810.31389/book1.ahhttps://uplopen.com/chapters/e/10.31389/book1.ahhttps://uplopen.com/books/6417/files/dcbf5634-fc72-469c-b4b0-f10607cab6e5.pdf